Is there truly a representation crisis in Balochistan, or is this perception shaped more by political narratives than electoral reality?
Following the February 2024 general elections in Balochistan, certain quarters have argued that the province is facing a crisis of political legitimacy and representation. However, a closer examination of the election results, statistical data, and the backgrounds of elected representatives suggests that this narrative is overly simplistic. The reality is more nuanced yet clear: the current Balochistan Assembly is the outcome of a formal electoral process, shaped by public participation and voter choice.
From the emergence of first-time lawmakers to the continued presence of seasoned political figures, the 2024 Balochistan election results reflect both continuity and change. Rather than a simple crisis narrative, the data suggests a functioning—if imperfect—democratic process where multiple political forces, including nationalist, religious, and mainstream parties, have secured space through electoral competition.
International media coverage has provided a different perspective. Voice of America, for instance, reported that the 2024 election results indicate a rejection of pro-establishment parties and candidates by voters. While leaders of nationalist parties managed to retain their seats, many of their party candidates were unsuccessful. Overall, international observers largely characterized the electoral process as impartial.
Composition of the Assembly: A Blend of Continuity and Change
Addressing the provincial assembly in February 2026, the Chief Minister of Balochistan highlighted that out of the 50-member house, eleven members are new entrants. Among them is Maulana Hidayat-ur-Rehman of the Haq Do Tehreek, elected from Gwadar. Notably, he is known for leading protests and openly criticizing the state. His presence in the assembly directly challenges the notion that the legislature is composed of artificially selected leadership.
Of the 51 general seats contested, voters directly elected their representatives. Fourteen members have entered the assembly for the first time, while 35 members have been elected for multiple terms, ranging from second to eighth. Additionally, 21 members were also part of the 2018 assembly. This distribution reflects a dual trend: the electorate has created space for new leadership while continuing to rely on experienced politicians.
New Entrants: Diversity in Representation
The first-time members come from a range of political parties and social backgrounds. These include Syed Zafar Agha, Fazal Qadir Mandokhail, and Dr. Muhammad Nawaz Kakar of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam; Sardarzada Faisal Jamali, Samad Khan Gorgage, and Ubaidullah Gorgage of the Pakistan Peoples Party; Zarak Khan Mandokhail and Barkat Ali Rind of Pakistan Muslim League (N); Khair Jan Baloch of the National Party; Abdul Majeed Badini of Jamaat-e-Islami; Maulana Hidayat-ur-Rehman of Haq Do Tehreek; a middle class elected representative Bakht Muhammad Kakar, Wali Muhammad Noorzai. In addition, Chairman Senate Sadiq Sanjrani and Senator Prince Ahmed Umarzai have also entered the provincial assembly for the first time, despite prior experience at the federal level. Sadiq Sanjrani served as the Chairman Senate and Prince Ahmed Umarzai is a former Senator.
A significant aspect of these new entrants is their political lineage. Several, including Faisal Jamali, Samad Khan Gorgage, Zarak Mandokhail, and Barkat Ali Rind, belong to established political families. The Gorgage family, in particular, illustrates this trend: Ubaidullah Gorgaij, elected from PB-44, is the son of Malik Shah Gorgaij, who secured a National Assembly seat from Gwadar/Turbat in the same election.
Similarly, Samad Gorgaij, elected from PP-40 Quetta, is the son of Sardar Umar Gorgaij, a provincial president of the Pakistan Peoples Party and a former federal minister. This reflects a pattern where family members hold positions at both provincial and national levels. Zarak Mandokhail’s father-in-law, Sheikh Jaffar Mandokhail, currently serves as Governor of Balochistan, and multiple members of the Mandokhail family have previously held legislative positions. Barkat Rind also belongs to a politically active family. At the same time, some new members have emerged through grassroots activism, religious platforms, or protest movements, with Maulana Hidayat-ur-Rehman being a prominent example.
Experienced Legislators: Political Continuity
Alongside new entrants, the assembly includes 35 experienced members, reflecting continuity in the province’s political landscape. Among them, 15 have been elected for a second term, seven for a third term, seven for a fourth term, two for a fifth term, two for a sixth term, and two for an eighth term.
Second-term members include Sarfraz Bugti, Naseebullah Marri, Ali Madad Jatak, former Chief Minister Jam Kamal Khan, and Shoaib Nosherwani. Third-term members include Sarfraz Domki, Zahoor Ahmed Buledi, Mir Asghar Rind, Muhammad Khan Tareen, Zafarullah Zehri, and Rehmat Baloch. Fourth-term members include former Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani, Abdul Rehman Khetran, Muhammad Saleem Khosa, Sardar Masood Loni, Muhammad Sadiq Umrani, Asad Baloch, and Zamrak Khan Achakzai.
Fifth-term members include Dr. Abdul Malik Baloch and Sardar Akhtar Mengal, while Nawabzada Tariq Magsi and Mir Asim Kurd have been elected for the sixth time. The most experienced legislators are Nawab Sanaullah Zehri and Sardar Saleh Bhootani, both elected for the eighth time. Nawab Sanaullah Zehri has remained active in politics since 1988, while Sardar Saleh Bhootani has represented his constituency for several decades.
The Role of Political Families
Family and tribal affiliations remain a defining feature of Balochistan’s political structure. Nawab Sanaullah Zehri and Zafarullah Zehri are brothers; Tariq Magsi’s brother Khalid Magsi is a member of the National Assembly; and Saleh Bhootani’s brother has also served in the assembly. Furthermore, at least eight current members have fathers who were previously part of the Balochistan Assembly, including Jam Kamal Khan, Nawab Aslam Raisani, Sardar Akhtar Mengal, Sarfraz Domki, Abdul Rehman Khetran, Sardar Masood Loni, Khalil-ur-Rehman Dummar, and Shoaib Nosherwani.
While dynastic politics is clearly present, it is important to recognize that all such individuals still contest elections and secure positions through public votes. Their presence alone does not negate the legitimacy of the electoral process.
Beyond the Provincial Assembly
At the national level, several new representatives from Balochistan were also elected to the National Assembly, including Malik Shah Gorgage, Nawabzada Jamal Raisani, Maulvi Sami-ud-Din, Phalin Baloch, Adil Khan Bazai, and Mian Khan Bugti. Additionally, Maulana Fazlur Rehman was elected from Balochistan for the first time, while Mahmood Khan Achakzai returned to the assembly after a six-year gap. Maulana Fazal Rehman, head of JUI-F has been elected from Pishin Balochistan. Similarly ANP’s Aimal Wali khan of KP got elected to senate from Balochistan.
The narrative of a representation crisis in Balochistan does not fully align with the available evidence from the Balochistan elections 2024. While concerns about governance, political dynamics, and structural challenges in the province remain valid, the composition of the Balochistan Assembly 2024 reflects a functioning electoral process rather than a complete breakdown of representation.
The election results demonstrate a balance between continuity and change—where experienced politicians have retained voter trust, while new entrants from diverse political, tribal, and ideological backgrounds have also secured representation. The presence of figures emerging from protest movements, religious platforms, and mainstream parties further indicates that the political space, though complex, is not closed.
At the same time, the influence of political families and tribal affiliations continues to shape electoral outcomes. However, these factors operate within the framework of electoral competition, where candidates still rely on public votes to enter the assembly. If a genuine representation crisis existed at a systemic level, it would likely result in a far more uniform and exclusionary political outcome—something not reflected in the current assembly’s composition.
Ultimately, the 2024 Balochistan elections highlight a political process that is evolving rather than collapsing. The data suggests that while perceptions of legitimacy may be contested, the electoral outcomes themselves point toward an active—if imperfect—democratic system shaped by voter choice.
